What do EU institutions want from interest groups?

Individuals lobbying their leaders have always been part of the political process and the European Union is no different. There are several reasons why the EU is reliant on interest groups such as access to expertise and legitimacy. 

Lobbying has always been part of public life and the European Union has been no exception. All parties are pursuing their agenda through influencing the EU’s legislative progress as well as initiating legal action (Coen and Richardson, 2009). Most EU officials do accommodate lobby groups and see them as an effective part of the policy process.  Since carrying out research is expensive and the EU not always in a position to pay for this, access to technical information via interests groups is one solution to this problem. 

As Watson and Skacleton argue ‘organised interest provide a wealth of information to EU policymakers and contribute a diverse range of views a legislative process that, on paper, features only the formal EU institutions’ (2008, p. 93). The increasing range of EU policies has meant that it attracts an increasing number of Interest and business groups (that represent a diverse range of views and opinions) and by including them in the policy process then the EU benefits by gaining more legitimacy.

This key to understanding why the EU allows interest groups to lobby officials is that they are two interdependent entities (Bouwen, 2002). In reality, the interest and business groups have what the EU needs (information) and in return, these groups are able to push their agenda. The groups get access to the EU and, in return, the EU gets legitimacy and expert knowledge (Hix, 1999). 

As Rainer Eising argues, ‘interest groups have a particularly important role in connecting European-level institutions to the citizens of the European Union’ (2006, p. 203).   

Legitimacy is an important factor in why the EU allows interest groups. Without expert knowledge and good quality research, the EU does not have the authority to govern.

List of References 

Bouwen, P (2002) Corporate Lobbying in the European Union: The Logic of Access. Journal of European Public Policy, 9, number 3: 365-90.

Coen, D and Richardson, J (2009) “Learning to Lobby the European Union: 20 Years of Change” in Coen, D and Richardon, J. (eds) Lobbying the European Union: Institutions, Actors and Issues. (Oxford: Oxford University Press)  

Eising, R “Interest Groups in the European Union” in Cini, M (2007). European Union Politics (2 edition). (Oxford: Oxford University Press).

Hix, S (1999) “Interest Representation” in Hix, S (eds) The Political System of the European Union (Basingstoke: Macmillan)     

Shackelton M and Watson R (2008) “Organized Interests and Lobbying”, in Bomberg E, Peterson J and Stubb A, The European Union: How does it Work?, (Oxford: Oxford University Press) 

Is lobbying changing EU democracy?

The world has undergone major political changes in recent times. This includes the shift away from the dominance of national government to control at a regional level. 

As a result, old norms and ways of doing things have changed. One example is the changing roll of national governments in the European region and in particular the rise of interest groups and the importance that they play in policy development and the exchange of ideas.

The question is whether these interest groups enhance or diminish democracy in the European Union.

I want to argue that, because of the changes to global political governance (which includes the rise of global institutions, regional trade and governance blocs, as well as the challenges that they pose to the Nation State), interest lobbying groups have altered the meaning of the EU democracy in a way that threatens its existence. This is well illustrated in the current European economic crisis.

While traditional democratic methods such as citizens’ participation in the parliamentary elections may have worked in the past and still work well at the national level, changes in the global political system to include a new level of government at the European level might well see changes to what we regard as democratic.

Kingdoms and later the nation state have not always been in total control of domestic affairs. Europe is now very different now that kings are no longer the ruling power. Not only has power become largely secular but the autonomy of national governments has decreased. 

 As power shifts from the national to the supranational, Beetham and Lord raise the interesting conundrum which faces the EU. They argue that on one hand ‘the only valid source of political authority lies with the people’ (1998, p. 6) but at the same time raises questions about how this concept applies to the EU when they say that ‘the legitimising belief that the people constitute the ultimate source of political authority’ raises acutely the question ‘who constitutes the people?’ (ibid).

This idea of ‘who constitutes the people’ and ‘does the EU have legitimacy’ is in danger of losing relevance when the turnout to EU elections appears to be decreasing at an alarming rate. Malkopoulou cites that citizen  participation in the EU elections peaked at 62% in 1979 with a 3% periodic drop (7% drop occurring in 1999) at each election to a grand total of 43% turn out in 2009 (2009, p. 1). These figures raise an interesting question regarding how society engages in the democratic process. If only 43% of the voting population of Europe turned out to vote in its elections, does it make the region really democratic and representative of its citizens?

On the other hand, while the number of voters in elections is decreasing, the number of interest and pressure groups are increasing at an alarming rate (Watson and Shackelton, 2009). This issue of electoral apathy is a complex one; it does signal that maybe democracy is changing from the traditional voters casting a ballot for those whom they want to represent them, to advocacy undertaken by interest groups around a particular issue – not necessarily chosen by voters.

Lobbying groups are becoming more part of the political landscape as time goes on and the reasons for this are many. As this blog has already discussed, both the development of a supranational government and the number of people voting in European Parliament elections are decreasing each election, resulting in a change in the nature of European democracy.

Watson and Shackelton argue that ‘ever since the 1970s, the number of organised interests has grown six-fold from the mere 400 or so such bodies existed at the time’ (Watson and Shackelton, 2009: p. 3). These groups range from business groups similar to chambers of commerce and trade unions who represent a membership, to international non-government organisations who often agitate around a particular issue such as environmental sustainability, womens affairs or animal rights.  

To some extent, the distance between the individual citizen and the EU political structure maybe a factor in the voter turnout. Therefore, as individuals become more an arm’s length away from the European institutions, they are less likely to vote than they would for their national parliament. While the voter turnout has never been high in countries such as Great Britain, where voting is not compulsory, the EU institution has not communicated the role that they play in the national politics and in the every-day lives of their constituents.

Another point is that the distance issue requires more resources and know-how to access the decision-makers at the Commission who develop policy and legislation.  The perceived distance between the citizens and the European government, resulting in the lack of interest in EU politics has caused democracy to shift from representing the citizens to representing only the opinions of the interest groups that lobby the decision-makers.

Since interest and business groups are very aware of how EU politics influences their business and organisational goals, they are more likely to engage with the political process and they have had to develop strategies to overcome the ‘tyranny of distance’. As Coen and Richardson point out ‘the creeping competencies of EU institutions and the establishment of the single market, in addition to pulling interests into the political orbit, also altered the political nature/structure of domestic interest groups, with an increase in cross-border activity, joint ventures and political alliances’ (2009, p. 7). Coen and Richardson mention another reason why interest groups join together to approach the EU policy makers; it is the rise of issues that come under EU control and legislation, making it more important for smaller groups to ensure that their voices are heard by those who govern them.

Another aspect of this debate is that the EU is also quite happy to develop a relationship with a ‘coalition’ of interest groups. Since the EU has limited access to funds it often struggles to develop research as well as hire expertise because both of these come at a price. On one hand Research and information is vital to the work of the EU, and without it Brussels would struggle to be relevant and effective.

 

On the other hand the relationship poses the question of how reliant is the EU on interests groups and the services that they are keen to offer in return for access to European Commission and Parliament Staff and the hoped-for ‘favourable’ outcome of decisions they make. Even with the work that the EU has done to improve transparency and set clear guidelines for the relationship between the EU and the lobbyists, there are still many questions regarding how much value the current structure adds to the democratic process. These still need to be answered.

Whatever your views on this issue, it appears that interest groups have filled the void left by a decrease of political engagement by citizens. Since it is instilled to those in western liberal democracies from early childhood that individuals or “the people”/demos have a role to play in our democracy, it is difficult to say whether the filling of this void by interest groups has been a positive paradigm shift. However, the rise in the number of interest groups may not be a negative. While the number of groups goes up, so does the diversity of interests that are represented. 

List of References

Beetham. D. and Lord. C (1998). Legitimacy and the European Union. (London and New York: Longman)

Coen, D and Richardson, J (2009) “Learning to Lobby the European Union: 20 Years of Change” in Coen, D and Richardon, J. (eds) Lobbying the European Union: Institutions, Actors and Issues. (Oxford, Great Britain: Oxford University Press)

Malkopoulou, A (2009) Lost Voters: Participation in EU elections and the case for compulsory voting(Brussels: Centre for European Policy Studies)

Watson. R. and Shackelton. S., (2008) “Organized Interests and Lobbying”, in: Elizabeth Bomberg, John Peterson and Alexander Stubb, The European Union: How does it Work? (Oxford, Oxford University Press)

An Obruni's impressions of Ghana

Oburni is the term that Ghanaians use for white females and it is something that us white girls get quite used to hearing. I have been here for almost four weeks and have observed many things about the country where I have been volunteering. 

Firstly, their commitment to education is impressive. Obviously, like so many in developing countries, Ghanaians see it as a way to achieve social mobility and a tool to escape poverty. I just hope that the standard of education is good enough to ensure that they are able to use it to provide for themselves and their families as well as the wider community. I also hope that the government is able to facilitate economic growth so that there will be a demand for all those new graduates.   

Secondly, I noticed a collective sense of lethargy in Ghana. You cannot walk far without seeing a person sleeping on the pavement/bench or slouched over a table with their head in their hands. Maybe it's the heat, maybe it's the malnutrition. It seems in conflict with their drive to become better educated and to move out of poverty.  

A couple of evenings ago at the Ikando House (where I am staying) my room mate and I were both chatting about the state of things in Accra and we both had noticed a simmering tension that seemed to be blubbering under the surface. Despite Ghana's obvious commitment to Christianity and Islam, people seem to get angry and tempers seem to blow over really quickly. I don't know, but such displays of anger seems to be in contraction with the Christianity that I grew up with. One idea that we had that all it would take would be a suicide bomb to cause ciaos but I'm thinking more of a struggle as a result of water, food and employment insecurities, but we shall see.....          

Also, mobile technology is so far more advanced from Australia and in many ways it is to make up from the lower levels of computer ownership. In Ghana you can send credit to one another, access your bank account, etc etc and all from a non-blackberry/iphone type of phone.
  

Finally, so many Ghanaians that I've spoken to have relatives overseas in America, Europe as well as Australia and so many of them are so desperate to join them. I don't blame them really as life here is tough and being exposed to media that makes the west look very appealing. But in reality, adjusting to a culture that is so different and establishing yourself in a new culture makes moving to the developed world not that easy and not all that it is cracked up to be.      

The use of force seems to be diplomacy’s oldest tool

Using force as a way to resolve dispute between countries has been common throughout history. The idea of the Use of Force was first conceptualised by St Augustine with the notion of “just war” and this provided a foundation on which Western thought has grown from.

This blog will look at the use of force in international law and how the principles of this discipline has changed from the ideas of the “Just War” to changes attitudes to the Cold War type situations and later to multilateral UN forces in failed states and internal conflicts.

 

Wars have always been part of history and there have been moments in time in which such conflicts have been the catalyst for change and the creation of new approaches to international law.

One of such moments preceded the 30 year war in the sixteenth century which saw the creation of the Peace of Westphalia which many years later became the corner stone of the United Nations.

This war was important as it gave birth to the modern country that we are familiar with today, especially in regards to Sovereignty. This concept of national sovereignty was born out of the right of a country to choose their own religion; but since the separation of church and state as well as a shift in values to a more Calvinist (more personal) engagement with faith, national sovereignty has become less about state-organised religion and more about governance and the provision of infrastructure.

While this does not directly relate to war or the use of force, it has played a substantial impact on the creation of the United Nations and the principles and ideologies that underpin their work.

It is worth briefly considering the nature of war as it could help shed light on why it has been so regulated (in order to encourage its use as tool of last resort) while at the same time being a common method to resolve international disputes. Kenneth Minogue describes war in an interesting way when he writes that ‘war, as Clausewitz puts it, is the continuation of policy – that is politics by another means. Rulers attack for advantage, and defend to protect the national interest. As in chess, one side or other must win, and even stalemates are merely a precarious equilibrium.  To lose this international game may be a desperate thing…. as many states discovered when overrun by Nazi Germany after 1939 (2003, p.238).

This idea illustrates why governments still revert to the use of force despite it being heavily controlled by the Security Council through chapter VII of the UN Charter.

Perhaps it is because of the limited availability and effectiveness of other diplomatic tools available to governments to protect and further their national interests and international security.

Another moment in history where war continued to influence international law was after the First and Second World Wars where war had a vast impact on the global political community.

International Law was established in an attempt to reduce the chances of full scale global conflicts ever occurring in the future. The laws and treaties that have descended from the UN have strongly impacted on the creation of treaties and codification of custom pertaining to the maintenance of international peace and security.

One important moment in the development in the international law’s perspective on the use of force was in the development of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) which soon became much more than a relief organisation.

The ICRC realised it needed to hold a ‘diplomatic conference to draft the terms of an international agreement that would provide for the protection and care of the wounded, and recognise as natural all those who attended and care for them’ (Stubbings, 1992, p.5). As time went on, the rttueureurtyyyyy the Committee of the Red Cross grew to be the catalyst for the creation of the Geneva Conventions.

What has become known as International Humanitarian Law regulates the use of force during times of conflict and provides a set of rules that not only protect civilians but provides a protocol regarding armed conflicts and the use of force.

In more recent times and especially after September 11, there was much debate in regards to how should IHL be applied to those who commit acts of terror and the “War on Terror” that followed. The debate seemed to centre on the question that should the terrorists, who clearly have violated IHL, should be treated under IHL and the Geneva Conventions.

In Australia, the anti-terror legislation was controversial in that it brought in measures which some thought broke international law and custom.  The Red Cross¹ did not believe that the “War on Terror”, as response to the use of force by terrorists, constitutes an armed conflict and therefore IHL does not technically apply to their trials of these who are charged under this legislation.

However, human rights treaties apply regardless of whether the terrorists can be tried under IHL or not and therefore, the anti-terror act comply with international legal standards regarding the treatment of individuals.

Art 27 of the Vienna Conventions the Law of Treaties2 requires the international community to implement international law in the domestic sphere and use internal law as a reason for fulfilling its international legal requirement.

Wars and the subsequent use of force have been turning points in history and while they seem a long time and not very famous events, these events had a profound impact on international law. These events range from the Peace of Westphalia which finished the 30 years war and gave rise to the concept of state sovereignty to the creation of the Red Cross and IHL.

In more recent times conflicts such as the World Wars have given birth to the League of Nations and the United Nations which are the modern custodians of international law and custom in regards to the use of force. It has also seen the work of the UN change from the world wars to dealing with the increase of civil wars, their mandate of working with international law remains the same.

List of References

Griffith, M and O’Callaghan, T. International Relations: Key Concepts (Routledge: New York, 2003)

Malanczuk, P. Akehurst’s Modern Introduction to International Law.(7th ed) (Routledge: New York, 2003) page 342.

Minogue, K. Politics: a Very Short Introduction (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 2003)

Stubbings, L. ‘Look what you started Henry!’: A History of the Australian Red Cross (Australian Red Cross Society: Melbourne, 1992)

Footnotes

1)     International Committee of the Red Cross stated, in an official statement, that ‘when armed violence is used outside the context on an armed conflict in the legal sense or when a person suspected of terrorist Activities is not detained in connection with any armed conflict,  humanitarian law does not apply. Instead, domestic laws, as well as international criminal law and human rights govern. Whether or not an international or non-international armed conflict is part of the “global war on terror” is not legal, but political question. The designation “global war on terror” does not extend the applicability of humanitarian law to all events included in this notion, but only to those which involve armed conflict’

2)   Art 27 states that a party may not invoke the provisions of its internal law as justification for its failure to perform a treaty.

Regionalism trumps globalisation as preferred paradigm

Just ask anyone about globalisation and they’ll tell you all about the “Global Village”. They will also tell you about the advances in technology which has revolutionised the way we travel, communicate and do business. But in reality, the rise of regionalism has been an unexpected part of the globalisation process. This process has been facilitated by governments and transnational organisations such as European Union and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), just to name a few.

As a basic introduction, both these institutions developed out of unique set of circumstances and reasons for integrating at a regional level.

For example, the EU was created during the post-war period and after experiencing the dictorships of Hitler and Mussolini.  After experiencing these two dictators, Italy and Germany wanted to make sure that they would never be in the same situation. As a result, the idea was to give up some of their national sovereignty to another level of governance in order to (hopefully) prevent an individual gaining more power from happening again.   

It is interesting to note that Britain was against joining such a supranational body, arguing that it was their Westminster style of Liberal Democracy, as well as belonging to a ‘Commonwealth of Nations’ already, had prevented a dictator ever holding such complete power.

Although the European continent is far from homogeneous, much of it had already had a ‘common market’ of sorts, such as the Roman Empire and Judaeo-Christian values (until recently); it is also geographically more compact than Southeast Asia.

The Association of South-East Asian Nations evolved from different circumstances. The wider region of Asia is extremely diverse in its culture, history and languages, but colonisation (British and Dutch) and its role in the early trade routes with Europe does provide a uniting history. Mark Beeson raises an interesting point when he states that Southeast Asia only became a geopolitical entity (as opposed to being part of the “Far-East”) after Britain’s conflict with Japan in World War II (2009). While security remains a central part of ASEAN, trade liberalisation of member states and commerce among each other as well as with the rest of the world has become of great importance for them.    

Returning to the question of what factors contribute to regionalism’s continued existence, it is important to remember that despite regionalism being on the rise, it seems that global integration is still considered to be the ultimate goal; despite the benefits that regionalism has to offer. 

As McCormick argues ‘regional integration is very much a global affair, and there are similar experiments under way on every continent. Levels of progress have been mixed, regional grouping do not always have the same levels of ambition and their integrative potential varies’ (1999, P.12). The fact that there are efforts to create regional organizations shows that Governments (and citizens) still seek regionalism rather than pure globalisation.

For example, some national governments (especially small and/or new industrialising economies, such as Cambodia, Vietnam or Thailand) are struggling to compete with larger and more industrial countries. Therefore coming together with others in the region provides opportunities to trade more locally at a regional level. 

Developing Countries, including many members of ASEAN, find it difficult to reconcile the trade liberalization strategies and their need to develop and establish their own economies.  As Brigid Gavin argues, ‘Developing countries are increasingly concerned about how to achieve coherence between development and multilateralism…..But their regionalism is part of a multilevel strategy which needs to be synchronized with their national development plans as well as their efforts to achieve development-friendly trade rules in the World Trade Organisation’ (2007, p. 59).

On the one hand national governments want to abide by World Trade Organisation rules to decrease trade barriers and to adhere to labour, intellectual property and environmental rules but on the other hand, these Governments are aware that they need to grow and strengthen their own national industries.

Griffith and O’Callaghan describe it well when they say ‘Regional cooperation may be promoted as a counterweight to an uneven globalisation of the world economy’ (2003, p.274-275). This demonstrates that regionalism has emerged as a tool in an attempt to provide equity in an economically unequal world.

This is especially true with some of the smaller and weaker Asian economies such as Thailand and Vietnam who see membership of ASEAN as a way of  not only improving trade with other nations in the same region, but of  benefiting from collective action when trading in the international trading system.

This is because newly industrial or developing nations, find it easier to trade with countries that are near rather than with distant ones, for the simple reason that cultural and business differences are fewer, transport costs are lower, and customers are more likely to be interested in products close to their own lifestyle. The counterweight argument globalisation is another example of why, in this age of globalisation, regional arrangements still emerge and continue to thrive. 

Regionalism also provides security benefits to smaller nations, especially the smaller countries in Southeast Asia. Individual countries may not have the sway to influence these two powerful countries but collectively, ASEAN does encourage peace and security in the region. Also, regional pressure on hostile neighbours outside the region would be better accepted from a body such as ASEAN or the EU.

While globalisation still seems to be the ultimate goal, regionalism has been chosen to as government’s preferred way to further their national interest and to ensure international security. Regional blocs are also a dynamic and ever changing system, which expands and transforms in response to the internal and external environment. Regionalism can coexist with globalisation because the two are not necessarily mutually exclusive.

List of References

Gavin, G (2007) “Reconciling Regionalism and Multilateralism: Towards Multilevel Trade Governance,” in Philippe De Lombaerde (ed). Multilateralism, Regionalism and Bilateralism in Trade and Investment. 2006 World Report on Regional Integration Springer, 59-72.

Griffith, M and O’Callaghan, T. (2003) International Relations: Key Concepts (Routledge: New York)

McCormick, J (1999) Understanding the European Union: a concise introduction (Basingstoke: Palgrave)

Murray, P. 2010. (2010) “Comparative regional integration in the EU and East Asia: Moving beyond integration snobbery.” International Politics, Vol. 47, 3/4, 1-16

Crouching Dragon on Safari – Chinese Diplomacy in Africa

China has seen phenomenal changes over recent decades, not only in its economic growth but also in the demographic of its population.  With the considerable development of their manufacturing sector and an ever growing population (including the exponential rise of a middle class) China has had to struggle to secure enough resources to meet the needs of their economy and citizens. This has resulted in China’s interest in the Africa region as a source of oil and other raw materials in order.

This blog is about China’s presence in the African region and what does it do there, why they do it. It is also about how China’s ties to Africa has the potential to improve the standard of living of the many Africans living in poverty but because of the Chinese Government's policy of not interfering in the domestic polices of other countries (a diplomatic way of saying that they will not take a stand on Human Rights violations, poor governance and lack of environmental standards) is actually doing real harm to this region.

Despite Africa’s abundance of natural resources many countries face difficulties in meeting the most basic needs of its citizens as well as to meet the Millennium Development Goals. These are 8 international developments goals created by United Nation members to raise the standard of those living in poverty and it could be argued that these goals were partly developed with Africa in mind.

Africa’s current food crisis highlights how much the continent struggles in meeting the most basic needs for its people. Although there has been millions of dollars of Aid poured into the region, the statistics are still shocking: 380 million people living on less than $1.25 a day for example, 70% of Democratic Republic of Congo Citizens exist below the poverty line (Raine, 2009). 

But Africa has been the focus of the international community for many hundreds of years and the MDGs are the latest chapter in external influence in this region.

While much of this involvement by the international community has had a negative impact on the region, the West’s tradition of linking aid money to progress in transparency, human rights and good governance can only be seen as a positive.   

What is China’s involvement in Africa?

Since China has been going through a period of immense expansion, it has required massive natural resources to support their growth. As Peter Goodman wrote in a Washington Post article, ‘Oil demand is exploding in China as people embrace automobiles, and as factories, apartment towers and office buildings proliferate’ (July 2005).

One way is to increase the supply to fuel this growth was to develop ties with oil rich region such as Africa.  Technically, this should also benefit the African economy and fund infrastructure projects and the provision of public services.

But this relationship is undermining the work that the international community (such as North America, the EU and other countries such as Australia) is doing to improve the living standards of the African people.

 

What China has done in Angola is a good example.

Angola is no stranger to civil war and to destructive governance. After a particularly bloody power struggle between the government and rebels, many western nations discontinued the provision of aid and the subsequent imposition of sanctions.

As a result of this period of unrest, as well as the regular draining off of oil by the Angolan elite, the country struggled to provide even the most basic of services for its citizens,  many of whom live on less than two dollars a day while the ruling class lived in luxury (Lee and Shalmon, 2008; Kurlantzick, 2007). 2002 saw truce and a resumption of development assistance by the international community, including the International Monitory Fund (IMF).

By 2005 an agreement appeared to near but at the last moment, China offered the Angolan Government what they thought was a far superior deal. This offer included ‘loans and credits for reconstruction that may be worth as much as $6 billion. The Chinese money came with no conditions for accountability – only an agreement to use Chinese firms for reconstruction’ (ibid). This highlights the difficulty that the international community has in dealing with the situations like this.

At more of an individual level, the Chinese focus on capacity-building may be counter-productive rather than actually ensuring that Africans young people are equipped with the skills necessary to make a difference in their country.

Many African Students are attending Chinese institutions in an attempt to build the capacity of African professionals but anecdotal evidence (Dan, 2010; Wong, 2009; and Zhu & Yong, 2011) suggests that China is more intent on developing an impressing large educational system than a quality one. While this sounds like an excellent idea, the process becomes a wasted exercise as the standards are so low, African students are denied a quality education and return home with a qualification that is worth little.

This is a real shame because Africa desperately needs skilled professionals that can facilitate change and improvement and not people who have survived the conveyor belt of Chinese  education in order to support Chinese growth.

It would be much better to see the Chinese fun African educational institutions to run programmes locally as a solution to local problems. But maybe I'm dreaming.  

In conclusion, this paper has shown how China’s massive economic expansion has required them to look for new sources of oil and other such resources. With its abundance of natural resources, Africa has met this need. It is a moot point whether China trade and investment really benefits the African region. The China in Angola example shows that their investment there does undermine the work that the international community is doing to improve good governance, transparency and human rights record in the region. It will be interesting to see the long term effect that China’s lack of requirements will have in Africa and hopefully Chinese investment and trade will trickle down and improve the living standards of the citizens of the continent.  

List of References

Goodman, P. S. (2005, July 13). Big Shift in China's Oil Policy. The Washington Post . Washington, DC, United States of America.

Kurlantzick, J. (2007). Charm Offensive: How China's soft power is transforming the world. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Lee, H. a. (2008). “Searching for oil: China's Oil Strategies in Africa”. In R. I. Rotberg, China into Africa: Trade, Aid and Influence. Washington D.C: Brookings Institution Press.

Raine, S. (2009). China's African Challenges. New York: Routledge.

Wong, S. (2009, November 25). In China, an easy route to academic glory. Retrieved August 28, 2011, from Asia Times: http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/KK25Ad01.html

Yu, G. T. (2010). “China's African Policy: South-South Unity and Cooperation”. In L. Dittmer’s China, the Developing World, and the New Global Dynamic. London: Lynne Rienner Publishers.

Zhu, L. & Yong. (2011, June 23). Is China producing too many PhDs? Retrieved August 28, 2011, from Nature International Weekly Journal of Science: http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v474/n7352/full/474450b.html

What are the challenges to African Regional Integration?

From issues of governance to providing for its citizens, the region of Africa has seen many challenges.  As a result of these challenges, the International Community (US, EU, IMF and World Bank) has encouraged Africa to move down a particular trajectory.

This trajectory involves, among other things, trade liberalisation and developing an African wide regional trading bloc so that trade between countries in this continent could be increased. As Marcike Meyan argues, ‘regional integration would enable individual countries to do business and to increase attractiveness of their markets by, for example, achieving greater economies of scale or by collaborating on infrastructure projects’ (2008, 518). Inter-country infrastructure is one of the big challenges that Africa faces.

For example, transport links between countries in the region is not as good as it should be and this not only limits the trade between countries but also makes it more difficult for land locked countries to transport their goods to ports to be shipped to other parts of the globe.      

Another problem that the region of Africa faces is the diversity of cultures, background and languages. As Meyan points out ‘it is very difficult to imagine how this “spaghetti bowel” of different sub-regional commitments could be knotted into two regional integrated groupings comprising all of Southern and East African countries’ (2008, 525). It would be incorrect to presume that the countries in the continent as big as Africa would automatically be able to integrate, especially if there is not the political will to undertake such as a difficult process.

However, while Colonisation did not encourage regional integration, Richard Gibbs argues that, ‘colonisation created an extremely fragmented state system which, combined with economic and political marginality, has encouraged the formation of a large number of intra-state organisations and institutions’ (2009, 703).  The involvement of multiple imperial powers in the past failed to provide a solid foundation on which African Governments could build an effective region that benefited its people.    

This leads to another challenge that Africa faces. As the guest lecture pointed out was the lack of political will to sacrifice the national interest for the common good. As Gibbs states, ‘perhaps why regionalism was so notably unsuccessful in southern Africa is not because the states are weak but, on the country, because the sates governing those states may not want regionalism to succeed’ (2009, 719). There is also the failure of governments to sign regional treaties and amend domestic legislation.

The problems that face Africa are many and varied but with generational change, it is hoped that the region will see an improved standard of living.

List of References 

Richard Gibb. 2009. “Regional Integration and Africa's Development Trajectory: meta-theories, expectations and reality,” Third World Quarterly, Vol. 30, No. 4, pp. 701-721.

M. Mareike. 2008 “Economic Partnership Agreements: A Historic Step towards a Partnership of Equals?”, Development Policy Review, Vol. 26, No.5, pp. 515-528, September 2008.

Can we reconcile regionalism with multilateralism?

With the end of my Comparative Regionalism unit in sight it is time to consider the future of regionalism and how compatible is it with pervious projects such as multilateralism.

As Griffith and O’Callaghan point out, ‘some observers worry that the multilateral system may be fracturing into discriminatory regional blocs. Others are hopeful that regional agreements will instead become building-blocs for further trade liberalization’ (2003. P. 275).  In my opinion, regionalism can be reconciled with multilateralism and that because of the complexity of the world trading system (in that there are vast differences in the development of national economies) the world has yet to reached a point of complete non-discriminatory trade as well as reciprocity and therefore regional trade agreements are good strategy to work towards trade liberalisation.

I would like to argue that multilateralism may be the ultimate aim and destination, the international economic community is still yet to reach this target. In this light, regional trade agreements can be a stepping stone towards the goal of multilateralism  

The reason for this is that the Developing Countries find it difficult to reconcile the trade liberalization strategies and their need to develop and establish their economies. As Brigid Gavin argues, Developing countries are increasingly concerned about how to achieve coherence between development and multilateralism…..….But their regionalism is part of a multilevel strategy which needs to be synchronized with their national development plans as well as their efforts to achieve development friendly trade rules in the World Trade Organisation’ (2007.p.59). On the one hand national governments want to abide by World Trade Organisation rules to decrease trade barriers and to adhere to labour, intellectual property and environmental rules but on the other hand, they are aware that they need to grow and strengthen their own national industries.

Gavin continues to argue that ‘Developing countries are increasingly turning to regionalism as a strategy for development.’ (2007. P.57). I presume that, when you are a developing or newly industrial nation, it is easier to trade with the countries nearest to you than with those who are further away as the transport costs are less and cultural and business differences would be less marked.  

Also, another reason why developing countries find regionalism so appealing is that Regional Trade Agreements are a good first step towards multilateralism as well as it is easier to develop trade links as a regional bloc (the saying ‘safety in numbers’ rings true here) with other nations and regions.  

In conclusion, regionalism can be reconciled with multilateralism as they both aim to reduce barriers to trade and increase trade liberalisation, it is just that regionalism is a good tool that could used to achieve this.   

List of References

Brigid Gavin. 2007. “Reconciling Regionalism and Multilateralism: Towards Multilevel Trade Governance,” in Philippe De Lombaerde (ed). Multilateralism, Regionalism and Bilateralism in Trade and Investment. 2006 World Report on Regional Integration Springer, 59-72.

Griffith, M and O’Callaghan, T. International Relations: Key Concepts (Routledge: New York, 2003)

Could the EU be replicated elsewhere?

Being back at uni there is lots of reading to be done and plenty of issues to get your head around. This week continued to be about Europe (obviously) but it looked at if it could replicated in other parts of the world.

   

In this week's reading I found Richard Baldwin’s article on the lessons that could be learnt from the EU really interesting. It clearly showed that the European Union is very much a product of its history and the EU model of integration could not really work elsewhere.

In Griffith and O’Callaghan (2008, page 99) entry for the European Union they describe its history, starting with the Treaty of Rome in 1958 to the Maastricht Treaty that formalised it into an institution that it is today with its own currency, court of law and Parliament.

But to get to that point and what makes it unique, is really what makes it interesting and shows that the formal structure of the EU could not be replicated to the EU.

The end of the Second World War saw a changing relationship between the government and the people who it was to represent. With the horrors of WWII still in their memories, Baldwin argues ‘Helpless in the face of Nazi occupation and the fact that liberation came only because it suited foreign powers led most citizens to question their own nation states – at least in the context of the European system of nation states that had existed in the first half of the 20th century’ (2008, page 8). What is really interesting is that a country’s experience during WWII influenced their response to the push for a more integrated Europe.

As Baldwin continues to points out, ‘Like the Germans, many Italians were happy to see their Government’s freedom of action constrained by a super national body like the EU’ (ibid) and this was in opposition to the British who strongly believed that their Westminster system of government (among others) was what cemented their place among the allies and not among the occupied.

Considering that it was in this geographical area that saw the development of the Peace of Westphalia that recognised state sovereignty, it seems strange that the European region should give birth to the international community’s first regional institution.

This shows that the institution of the European Union was a response to a unique set of circumstances and period in history. While there are some elements of the EU that could be transported to other parts of the world (such as its immigration system or common agricultural policy, for example), I doubt that we could see ASEAN develop their own currency, legal system and Parliament.

List of References

Baldwin, R.E. (2008) “Sequencing and Depth of Regional Economic Integration: Lessons for the Americas from Europe,” The World Economy. 31(1), 5-29

Griffith, M and O’Callaghan, T. (2008) International Relations: Key Concepts (Routledge: New York)

A peep into another world

When you study International Relations, the United Nations and its role in global politics becomes a big focus. It was beyond exciting when I was accepted into its Study Programme  and an opportunity that was a peep into another world.

The past few weeks have seen speakers from many UN agencies and associated organizations such as the UN Environment Programme, World Food Programme, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, International Committee of the Red Cross, and the World Trade Organisation as well as many more. While they took a general approach, many briefly touched on this year’s topic which was “United to combat climate change to safeguard international peace and security”

There were memorable statement and ideas, such as Brigitte Leoni (Media Relations Officer of the UN International Strategy for Disaster Reduction) who commented that “Education makes the difference between life and death”. Another was when Ban Ki-Moon, in a speech to the 3rd World Conferences of Parliamentary Speakers, quoted Strobe Talbott who said “no famines have happened in thriving democracies”. These gave us food for thought and how the UN is important in promoting the values of peace, democracy and working towards a common good.

While it was fairly intense during the day, by night and on weekends were spent exploring Geneva and more of Switzerland. Trips to the maternal ancestral home of Le Paquier and the town-with-the-amazing-views of Interlaken were great opportunities to refresh and clear the mind after a week of grappling with the great issues of our time.

There were also outings to World Cup, drinks on the lake and the most memorable would have to be wandering around Geneva in the middle of the night trying to find somewhere open because, like Perth, have early closing times.

Apart from the location, the people also made a great impression, with their ability to switch languages in the middle of conversation and their knowledge of global issues.

While it is sad to finish the programme and say good-bye to new friends, there is a new chapter that begins and a backpacking trip that will cover 5 countries.

Thanks must go to the City of South Perth and Ms Lisa Baker MLA for their financial support.

UN centre of backpacking adventure

The eve of my departure is filled with excitement of the adventure that will unfold over the next two months. Launching this adventure is a few days in the father land however; the big ticket item is participating in the 48th UN Graduate Study Programme

The title is “The United Nations: United to combat climate change to safeguard international peace and security” and will be held in at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.

The programme will consist of an intensive three-week series of lectures and panel discussions on the United Nations. Participants will get together in working groups to participate in simulation exercise aimed at developing negotiating and management skills. A final document will be developed on the basis of the working groups' discussions.

The working languages are English and French and no interpretation will be provided.

Being a student of Diplomacy and Trade as well as having undertaken a 7 week internship at the Australian High Commission in Malaysia I am keen to learn more about such a key player in international relations.

It will no doubt be an adventure to remember and I can't wait to leave.

Steven Spielberg quits as cultural advisor to games: A sign of further protests?

This is an old story but a good one all the same.

EVENT: Steven Spielberg resigns as Olympic Cultural Advisor over China’s lack of diplomatic efforts in solving the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan.

SIGNIFICANCE: With Spielberg’s resignation and increasing global concern over Tibet, protests at the 2008 Olympic Games seem increasingly likely. Spielberg’s resignation as cultural advisor to the Games has highlighted the lobbying done by several Human Rights Organisations (such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and smaller specific groups such as Team Darfur and Dream for Darfur) in regards to the conflict and China’s relationship to the Sudanese Government. With conflict likely to occur, China might well try to limit freedom of speech and especially regarding their nation’s political record. Australia’s policy of allowing freedom of free speech to all its athletes, any retraction on the expression of ideas would limit Team Australia’s pursuit of recording their experience and their thoughts. More importantly, Australia has a moral responsibility to encourage China to do what it can to promote a quick solution to the conflict.

ANALYSIS:

Background to China’s involvement in Sudan

For quite a while now, ‘China has played a critical role in the oil-felled boom in Sedan. After Bashier [Sudan’s Head of State] visited President Jiang Zemin in 1995, co-operation blossomed. Sudan now supplies 10% of China’s oil. Production has risen from 500,000 barrels-per-day….This year’s revenue from oil will exceed $4 billion’ . As a result from such an involvement, many in the international community believe that China should lobby the Sudanese Government to resolve the conflict in Darfur.

Why Director Steven Spielberg resigned

In a statement to the Chinese Ambassador and Chinese Olympic Committee, Spielberg argued that ‘Sudan's government bears the bulk of the responsibility for these ongoing crimes but the international community, and particularly China, should be doing more to end the continuing human suffering there….China's economic, military and diplomatic ties to the government of Sudan continue to provide it with the opportunity and obligation to press for change.’ He strongly believes that China’s involvement in the region leaving them in a position to promote peace and reconciliation among the waring parties.

Global pressure has so far not deterred the Chinese’s current strategy as they continue to support the trade arms with the war-ravaged country (having sold the Sudanese authorities $55 million during the 2003 – 2006 period ) as well as act as a major importer of their oil recourses. There are no signs of any change in approach as a result of global pressure to do so despite the fact that the world’s eyes will be upon them in August.

In response to Spielberg’s comments, a Chinese official in America states that "As the Darfur issue is neither an internal issue of China nor is it caused by China, it is completely unreasonable, irresponsible and unfair to link the two as one.’ This highlights the strategy used by the Chinese to avoid any responsibility for participating in the conflict in the Sudan and their attempt to reduce the number of negative political issued discussed during the lead up to the games. However, this is unlikely to deter individuals and human rights organisations from protesting, unless the Chinese make drastic changes to their approach – which seems unlikely.

Other forms of protests being undertaken by Political Institutions

There are several UN Security Council resolutions that deal with the issue of China’s involvement in Sudan; however, since China is a permanent member of the Council, it is unlikely that they will be passed.

What is done by Non-Government Organisations and other Activists

Since the uprising in Tibet in recent days, there have been renewed reports concerning China’s political stances. Such as Activists will demonstrate in Beijing during the Olympics to press China to help end bloodshed in Darfur, a group said Thursday, adding to the government's public relations headaches as it tries to quell protests in Tibet.’

To be more specific, these groups have announced that ‘We are planning some actions during the games themselves in Beijing," Dream for Darfur's executive director, Jill Savitt, said in a conference call with reporters. Savitt said the group was keeping details secret "for fear we would not be able to pull off those events.’ While these are only two groups, it is presumed that they will not be the only ones that are planning protests at the games.

Having looked at the Dream for Darfur’s website, it appears that much for their action seems to be surrounding the provision of information and lobby as well as physical protest, however due to the Chinese crackdown on descent, details of any action, is at present, unclear. But they take the interesting approach of asking the sponsors of the games (such as Coke a Cola, McDonalds and Rolex) to also pressure the Chinese Government into action. There are also broadcasts from refugee camps by actress Mia Farrow and an invitation to the public to refrain from watching the sponsors’ commercials on television.

While these actions might not work in Western Countries, in image conscious China where loosing face must be avoided at all costs, negative campaigns could be what is needed to ensure that the government does something to solve the conflict.

It is also important to remember that many Athletes will also have opinions and express their views on political views. After originally banning their athletes from saying anything, the British have allowed their athletes to speak publicly and the Australians are given freedom of speech and opinion so some athletes may choose to speak out on a range of issues.

Team Darfur is a good example of athlete taking action to bring global attention to particular issue. The organisation began when Olympic Gold medallists speed skater Joey Cheek and UCLA water polo player Brad Greiner ‘$1 million in 2006 when he announced he would donate his medal bonuses to relief in Darfur, and encouraged other athletes and sponsors to do the same’ . Their approach is not so much “causing trouble and embarrassment” to the Chinese Government, although they would prefer them to change their policies but they seem to lead by example by donating their prize money to helping the Sudanese Children. They are also strong in proving information regarding the relationship between the Chinese Government and Sudanese Authorities.

Conclusion: The Olympic Games, despite the ideal of being above politics, will always attract protest and scrutiny of the host country. However, some countries attract more scrutiny than other and China, with its poor human rights record (both nationally and internationally); will no doubt have experience high levels of critique and protest.

Steven Spielberg’s resignation will be among the first acts of protest in the lead up to the games and there will be protests not only in regards to the Chinese – Sudanese relationship but also regarding China’s human rights record.

However, there are reports that ‘China's envoy for Darfur, Liu Guijin, began a five-day visit to the country to push for peace. China has come under increasing pressure to use its influence with Sudan to end the fighting…..‘My [Mr Liu, China’s envoy to Darfur] message to the media and to the world is that the Chinese government and people are ready to help Sudan and to help the international community to find the solution of the Darfur issue", he said. ’ .

The article continues to state that the recent developments have not persuaded Steven Spielberg to reconsider his position.

While the Chinese Government might be reluctant to be active in bringing about peace, they are in a perfect position to do so and Australia should continue to pressure to them to use their influence to make a difference in the conflict in Sudan.

References available on request